Bail Burden Keeps U.S. Jails Stuffed With Inmates [NPR]

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#1 Bail Burden Keeps U.S. Jails Stuffed With Inmates [NPR]

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NPR. Audio at the link if you'd rather listen. Transcript below.
Bail Burden Keeps U.S. Jails Stuffed With Inmates

by Laura Sullivan

First in a three-part report

January 21, 2010


Leslie Chew spent his childhood working long days next to his father on the oil rigs of southern Texas. No school meant he never learned to read or write. Now in his early 40s, he's a handyman, often finding a place to sleep in the back of his old station wagon.

But he got by — until one night in December 2008 when the station wagon got cold, and he changed the course of his life.

"Well, I stole some blankets to try to stay warm," he says quietly. "I walked in and got them and turned around and walked right back out of the store. [The security guard] said, 'Excuse me, sir, come here. Are you planning to pay for these?' I said, 'No, sir. I don't have no money.' That's when he arrested me right then."

When I first spoke to Chew last summer, he'd been inside the Lubbock County jail since the night he was arrested: 185 days, more than six months.

Chew is like one of more than a half-million inmates sitting in America's jails — not because they're dangerous or a threat to society or because a judge thinks they will run. It's not even because they are guilty; they haven't been tried yet.

They are here because they can't make bail — sometimes as little as $50. Some will wait behind bars for as long as a year before their cases make it to court. And it will cost taxpayers $9 billion this year to house them.

On this day that I met him, Chew's bail is $3,500. He would need to leave that much as a cash deposit with the court to leave jail. Or he could pay a bail bondsman a $350 nonrefundable fee to do it for him. If he had either amount, he could stand up and walk out the door right now. But he doesn't.

The money, says Chew, "is like a million dollars to me."

When Chew headed down the grocery aisle and put four $30 blankets under his arm, he set in motion a process almost unique to the United States that rewards the wealthy and punishes the poor. And, NPR has found, it exists almost solely to protect the interests of a powerful bail bonding industry.

The result is that people with money get out. They go back to their jobs and their families, pay their bills and fight their cases. And according to the Justice Department [PDF] and national studies, those with money face far fewer consequences for their crimes.

People without money stay in jail and are left to take whatever offer prosecutors feel like giving them.

'Too Much Money'

On this day, Chew is still waiting for the offer. He is ready to plead guilty and accept his punishment, but court cases take time, and prosecutors have come to visit him only once.

The price tag to house, clothe and feed Chew so far for these past six months: $7,068.

"That's a lot of money," Chew says, sitting at a metal table in the middle of the jail's white concrete day room. "That's really too much money."

I watch the calluses on his hands start to leave marks on the painted steel. He says he's worried that his customers, who hire him to fix and move things, are turning to someone else. And he's worried about his white 1987 Saturn station wagon.

"I was going to get a regular car," Chew explains, "but I figured a station wagon would be better, because if I ever get in a bind, I can lay down the back seats and have a place to sleep."

Chew's feet begin to tap under the table.

"If I lose that car, that's it. I don't know what I'd do," he said. "Cuz that's how I get around."

Chew doesn't know it now, as he waits at this table for lunch, but he's going to lose his customers. And he's going to lose his car. And across this barren room of orange jumpsuits, most of Chew's fellow inmates aren't going to fare much better.

A Life Swayed By $150

Doug Currington is sitting on his bunk absent-mindedly running his fingers through a paperback book. Like Chew, Currington tried to steal something: a television from Walmart at 2 a.m. while high on methamphetamine. Currington has been here 75 days so far, at a cost to taxpayers of $2,850. Standing between him and the door: $150.

He's already lost his apartment and his job. His truck has been repossessed, and he has no money to pay child support. And perhaps even more important in terms of getting punished, he doesn't have the opportunity to show the court he's sorry.

"If I can get out and hire an attorney, I can go to rehab," he says. "I can get my job back. And when I go to court, my lawyer has something to work with."

"The lawyer can say, 'This guy has been clean. He's voluntarily gone to rehab. He hasn't committed another crime. He's had the same job. He's paying child support,' " Currington says. "They're not going to want to throw you back in jail."

Currington's gut feeling about his situation is backed up by statistics from the Justice Department and industry groups. Defendants who make bail do less time. Several defense lawyers in Lubbock said that in their experience, if Currington could get out, go to rehab and pay restitution, he would very likely get probation. Prosecutors are offering him five years in prison.

"It's stressful," Currington says, shaking his head. "It's stressful knowing your life can be swayed over $150. It's a matter of being free in two hours if I had $150 to being free in three or four years when I make parole on a 10-year sentence."

'I'm Praying ... Not Too Much Longer'

All across this jail, everyone seems to have a similar story: a daunting offer from prosecutors, a bail so small that most people would just need to get to the ATM.

And in here, most inmates seem to think they're just hours away from someone — a friend, a relative, maybe a boss — coming to bail them out.

"Right now my family's working on it to come up with the bond to get me out," says 34-year-old barber Raymond Howard. "So I'm praying [it won't be] too much longer. Not too much longer."

Howard needs $500. He has been here more than four months, after he forged a check against a company. Like Currington and Chew, Howard has no history of violence and has always shown up for court. That's why he was granted bail.

Up to this day, the city of Lubbock has already spent $5,054 to house him. Lawyers say Howard would most likely get time served and probation if he was on the outside. But in jail, he has little bargaining power and nothing to show for himself. Prosecutors are offering Howard a sentence so long, he catches his breath as he said it.

"They started with seven," he says, pausing. "Seven years."

With three young boys at home, he says, it's almost more than he can bear.

"I love my boys to death," Howard says. "It's pretty much all I have."

But despite all his hoping, Howard's family isn't coming with the $500. In fact, he isn't going to see his three young boys for a very long time.

Released On Their Own Recognizance

Walking through the jail with Lubbock's then-Sheriff David Gutierrez last summer, it was easy to see the impact of housing all these men. (Not long after, Gutierrez was promoted to the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles.)

"We're out of room. Completely out of room," Gutierrez says.

In the maze of hallways, there are corridors where there used to be windows and cells where there used to be closets.

"It really needs to be closed," Gutierrez says. "I think you'll see it's not quite adequate. When you try to bring in today's technology and standards into a 1931 building, it's really pretty challenging."

It wasn't always like this. Twenty years ago nationally and in Lubbock, most defendants were released on their own recognizance. In other words, they were trusted to show up again. Now most defendants are given bail — and most have to pay a bail bondsman to afford it.

Considering that the vast majority of nonviolent offenders released on their own recognizance have historically shown up for their trials, releasing more inmates on their own recognizance seems like an easy solution for Lubbock. But that is not the solution Lubbock has chosen.

County officials have instead decided to build a brand new megajail, costing nearly $110 million. And Lubbock is not alone. At least 10 counties every year consider building new jails to ease a near-epidemic of jail overcrowding nationwide, according to industry experts.

Pretrial Release: An Elusive Option

There is one other solution. It's a county-funded program called pretrial release. Nonviolent inmates are released under supervision, often with ankle bracelets, drug testing or counseling. It costs only a couple dollars a day, compared with the national average of $60 a day in jail.
Bail Bonds and State Laws

The regulation of bail bond agents varies widely across the country. Many states require bondsmen to be licensed. Generally, bond agents must undergo eight to 16 hours of training, submit to fingerprinting and a background check and be a resident of the state to receive a license. However, some states do not require bondsmen to be licensed. In Wyoming, for example, agents using their own capital are not required to be licensed.

Some states ban commercial bail bondsmen outright and have the state's court act as the bail bond business. But in others, the American Legislative Exchange Council, an organization backed in part by the bail bond lobby, has worked to pass the Citizen's Right To Know Act, a law that requires reformatting and increased reporting of pretrial release information and encourages the use of commercial bail bondsmen.

Citizen's Right To Know Act:

Enacted: Florida (2009), Texas (1995)

Enrolled (in legislature): Iowa (2009), North Carolina (2009), Tennessee (2009)

Failed: Virginia (2009)

States that ban commercial bail bondsmen:

Illinois, Kentucky, Oregon, Wisconsin

Sources: NPR research; American Legislative Exchange Council; American Bail Coalition; Pretrial Justice Institute; baillaws.com; state of Wyoming; state of Arkansas; state of Washington

— Rose Raymond
Kelly Rowe, chief deputy of the Lubbock jail, says that pretrial release is an important option. In Lubbock, it operates out of the jail's intake area, where inmates are processed into the jail, and he takes me down there.

Two dozen inmates are scattered about near a line of pay phones. On the wall is a large sign with the number of every bail bond company in town in bold letters. There's no phone number for the pretrial release office.

When Rowe walks over to the desk where the program is supposed to operate, it's empty. There are no papers, pens or signs of work.

Rowe leaves to inquire why the area is empty and returns a few minutes later. He says no one has staffed the desk for four or five months.

When asked where they went, Rowe says: "It's like anything else we do; we have a thousand functions we oversee and watch and are doing, and it stalled. And I think the people responsible for that staff reassigned them or said, 'Here, we want you doing this other job duty.' "

That's not exactly how Lubbock's pretrial officials describe what happened.

Blocked By Powerful Bail Bonds Lobby

A block away from the jail, Steve Henderson runs Lubbock's parole and pretrial release program from a small, dark office. He says his shoestring budget can't afford an officer at the jail. He can't even afford to accept collect calls from inmates looking for pretrial help.

"Follow the money," Henderson says. "Usually whenever you've got questions of money, you follow the money and they'll tell you the reasons why some things operate."

He says the bail bondsmen don't want to see his program receive anything more than limited funding. The bondsmen "make money and they contribute their influence," Henderson says. "I would do more if we had the funding to do more."

It's not that Lubbock's bondsmen want Henderson's clients. They don't. Henderson's clients can't afford a bondsman's fees.

But Henderson says the bondsmen lobby to keep his program as small and unproductive as possible, so that no paying customers slip though — even if that means thousands of inmates like Raymond Howard and Leslie Chew wait in jail at taxpayer expense, because they never find the money to become paying customers.

"The bonding companies make a living," Henderson says. "That's just the nature of Texas and Lubbock."

But it's not just Texas and Lubbock. Industry experts and a review of national lobbying efforts by NPR show that pretrial release programs across the country are increasingly locked in a losing battle with bonding companies trying to either limit their programs or shut them down entirely.

As Henderson walks back downstairs, he stops and reads the sign above the door in the lobby. It says: Protecting our community by changing lives.

"Jail doesn't do anybody any good," he says. "The only thing that jail is good for is to keep the dangerous people in the community away from the people who don't pose a risk."

But that is not who is in the nation's jails. According to the Justice Department, two-thirds of the people in the nation's jails are petty, nonviolent offenders who are there for only one reason: They can't afford their bail.

The Ins And Outs of Making Bail

Across the street from the Lubbock jail is a row of one-story offices with painted ads: Student discounts! Lubbock's #1 bonds!

Inside one of them, Lubbock Bail Bond, three young women work the phones and greet customers. This is one of the biggest bonding shops in town.

Here's how it works: You're arrested. A judge gives you $5,000 bail. But you don't have $5,000, so you pay Lubbock Bail Bond a nonrefundable fee — at least 10 percent of your bail — and you get out of jail.

"We put up the total amount; they pay us a premium. As long as they show up for court, we make money," says office manager Ken Herzog.

There are about a dozen bail bond companies in Lubbock, serving a rather small population of 250,000. Herzog says it's a cutthroat business that leaves no room for even a modest pretrial release program. As an example, he describes a time he was working to make bond for an inmate. A clerk at the courthouse told him that the inmate had been interviewed by pretrial release program workers who were working to get him out of jail.

"I said, 'Oh no, they ain't,' " Herzog says he told the clerk. "So I went to the judge that signed the motion for pretrial and told her what was up. They had no business even talking to this person. They pulled their bond, and I got the person out of jail."

I ask him if he is talking about Henderson from Lubbock's pretrial release office. "If he gets in my business, I told him, 'I do this for a living,' " Herzog says. "I said, 'You don't do that. We set this thing up.' I said 'I'll work with you any way I can, but you're not going to get in my business.' Well, he backed off."

It's unlikely Henderson had much choice. Henderson works for county officials. And county officials are elected.

"We take care of the ones who take care of us," Herzog says. "We don't want to pay anybody off, per se. We just want to support the people who are trying to help our business."

According to Lubbock campaign records, bondsmen make frequent donations to elected officials. Indigent jail inmates do not.

Little Risk, Big Reward For Bondsmen

The disparity has served the bondsmen well over the years. Bondsmen's main responsibility is to bring defendants back to court if they fail to show up. But it turns out that many bondsmen aren't doing this job.

Statistically, most bail jumpers are not caught by bondsmen or their bounty hunters. They're caught by sheriff's deputies, according to Beni Hemmeline from Lubbock's district attorney's office.

"More often than not, the defendants are rearrested on a warrant that's issued after they fail to appear," Hemmeline said.

Asked if the bondsmen are fulfilling their end of the deal, Hemmeline says, "Well, it may be that [the bondsmen] can't find them. They can't camp at the door 24 hours a day. They do the best that they can, I think."

If a defendant does run, the bondsman is also supposed to pay the county the full cost of the bond as a sort of punishment for not keeping an eye on the client.

But that doesn't happen, either, Hemmeline says.

Hemmeline says Lubbock usually settles for a far lower amount than the full bond. In fact, according to the county treasurer in Lubbock, bondsmen usually only pay 5 percent of the bond when a client runs.

Consider that math for a minute. The bondsmen charge clients at least 10 percent. But if the client runs, they only have to pay the county 5 percent. Meaning if they make no effort whatsoever, they still profit.

Hemmeline says asking for more might put the bondsmen out of business.

"Bond companies serve an important purpose," she says.

NPR found bondsmen getting similar breaks in other states. In California, bondsmen owe counties $150 million that they should have had to pay when their clients failed to show up for court. In New Jersey, bondsmen owe $250,000 over the past four years. In Erie, Pa., officials stopped collecting money for a time because it was too much of a hassle to get the bonding companies to pay up.

Few Are Aware Of Other Options

It is possible to skip the commercial bail bonding business entirely by just paying cash. Show up for court and you get your cash back. But it turns out that this is not as easy as it sounds. It takes hours longer to post a cash bail. And many people, like Sandy Ramirez, don't even know that it's an option.

Ramirez came to Lubbock Bail Bond for her 18-year-old son, who was arrested after getting into a scuffle with his friends. They were charged with public mischief. Her son was given $750 bail.

She says neither the district attorney's office, the judge nor the court clerk told her she could leave cash with the court as a deposit and get it back when the case was over.

"I never knew that," Ramirez says. "That's awful not to know that."

Lubbock Bail Bond tacked on some additional fees for, among other things, paying on a payment plan. In the end, she owes the company $260 — more than half the cost of the bond. Two weeks after the scuffle, prosecutors dropped all the charges against the teens. But two months later, she's still paying the bail bondsman.

Across the street at the jail, Deputy Jerry Dossey is manning the window where people come to make bail. He says only two or three people a month put up their own cash. More than 60 people a day pay through a bail bondsman.

"Sometimes, it's hard to scrape up the cash money when you've got a family to feed and everything else," Dossey says.

One reason could be that judges aren't setting bail at what you can afford to pay. They're setting bail 10 times higher than what many people can afford to pay a bail bondsman. If a judge thinks $1,000 is a good amount to bring you back to court, then bail is set at $10,000.

A New Jail

About 20 minutes out of town, Lubbock's new jail rises from the flat brown landscape as if from nowhere. On a tour, Sheriff Gutierrez says the main corridor is almost three football fields long.

"This whole area here," Gutierrez says, pointing to just one room still under construction, "is larger than our old jail that holds 600 inmates."

This jail will hold 1,512 inmates.

Gutierrez says he agrees there should be options for people who can't afford bail other than housing them at taxpayer expense.

"The last thing I want to do is continue to keep building beds," he says, standing inside one of the cells. "I think there should be some opportunities to release them, put them back into society, allow them to go to classes and go back to work and report for trial when the trial date comes."

But as he's about to walk out of the cell, Gutierrez, who has been elected in three landslide victories over the past 11 years, pauses. He knows the risk for any politician to suggest such an alternative — even if it means taxpayers save money, even if it means victims will get restitution, even if it means the only reason he can fill this new jail is because the people filling it are poor.

"I don't want you to think I'm soft on crime. I'm not soft on crime," Gutierrez says.

And the result of that for defendants can be devastating.

Epilogue

Six months later and two hours north of Lubbock, the barbed wired of Formby State Prison rises from the cotton fields. In an empty visiting room, Raymond Howard, the inmate from the Lubbock jail with three young boys and a $500 bail, is sitting next to the Texas state prison's Coke machine.

"Here I am," Howard says with resignation.

Howard's family couldn't come up with the $500 he needed to make bail for forging the check. Without his barber income, his wife and three sons were barely making it on their own. He took the best offer he could get -– a three-year sentence in state prison.

If he had made bail, defense attorneys say he would most likely have gotten probation. But inside, he had nothing to show prosecutors he would do better, nothing to show them he could be trusted with a chance.

"It was something that I did," Howard says. "It was my mistake; it was my fault. But I didn't have the opportunity to show them. I apologize for what I've done. But I didn't have that chance. And this is where you wind up."

It's a place too remote for his wife and three sons to afford to visit.

Leslie Chew didn't walk out of the Lubbock jail until eight months after he arrived, costing taxpayers $9,120. Prosecutors eventually gave him time served for his blanket theft. But there was a condition: He had to plead guilty to felony theft.

When he left, Chew found out his station wagon had been repossessed. Without a place to sleep, he wound up at a homeless shelter. A few months ago, he almost got a job as a maintenance man, but when the owners saw a felony conviction on his record, they pulled the offer.

In October, Chew walked back into the Lubbock jail and asked the night officer if he could have his old job back, cleaning the jail's floors. But those jobs are reserved for the half-million people in this country who can't make bail.

Nobody has seen Leslie Chew since.
Jesus Christ.
That fuckhead bondsman wrote:"We take care of the ones who take care of us," Herzog says. "We don't want to pay anybody off, per se. We just want to support the people who are trying to help our business."
Fucker's shameless, isn't he? :wtf: I have to recommend listening to the audio for the full effect; the guy just comes off as slimy.

Part two of the report is going to be broadcast on Morning Edition tomorrow. I plan on listening.
The Paladin's Domain, My Blog (Updated 5/18/2009)

"Live free or die: Death is not the worst of evils." -- General John Stark

"A fortress circumvented ceases to be an obstacle.
A fortress destroyed ceases to be a threat.
Do not forget the difference."

"Fairy tales do not tell children the dragons exist. Children already know that dragons exist. Fairy tales tell children the dragons can be killed." -- G. K. Chesterton
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#2

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Part 2
Inmates Who Can't Make Bail Face Stark Options

by Laura Sullivan

Part two in a three-part report

January 22, 2010


On the East River just across from Rikers Island sits a barge officially called the Vernon C. Bain Center. But every judge, layer and inmate in New York knows it as The Boat — a giant, floating jail docked in the Bronx.

Sometimes when the wind blows, you can feel it list just a little.

It is here that I first meet Shadu Green in June 2009. He is locked in a day room, still wearing the T-shirt and jeans he had on when he was arrested three weeks earlier.

In here, "every day is horrible," he says, leaning against one of the green walls. "I mean, I try not to show emotion because in here, you show emotions and they eat you alive."

Green, 25, is charged with a series of misdemeanors after getting pulled over in his car. But he doesn't have to be here. He has been granted bail. A judge has decided he is likely to show up for court when he's supposed to — if he can post a $1,000 cash deposit. A bondsman has offered to post the money for him, for a $400 nonrefundable fee.

Green doesn't have $1,000. He doesn't have $400. He doesn't have 44 cents to mail a letter to his mother asking for bail money.

So like thousands of inmates here and hundreds of thousands nationwide, Green is left with two options: He can fight his case — but he'll have to do it from here, behind bars — or he can plead guilty and take the 60-day sentence prosecutors are offering him and go home.

The only problem, he says in a hushed voice so other inmates don't hear him, is that he believes he's not guilty.

"It's not a choice," Green says, "because if you don't have money, you have to stay here. It's ruining your life either way you put it. Either way, you have to be here."

An Internal Debate

Court records show he was arrested June 7, after being stopped for speeding. What happened next is in dispute. Officers say he was belligerent, assaulted them and resisted arrest. Green says he was pulled over for no reason, treated with disrespect and attacked by the officers.

Green wants a jury to decide who was right and who was wrong. He also knows a guilty plea is not helpful to the job prospects of a 25-year-old black man with a previous record — a minor weapons charge from several years ago.

But as he stands here, you can hear him start to waver. He's done almost half the 60 days already.

"I cannot be here," he says with a sigh. "I got my daughter, and that's what I'm thinking about. I have to do what I [have to] do."

The internal debate Green is waging is one that national studies show usually works in prosecutors' favor. Defendants waiting in jail are far more likely to plead guilty than defendants waiting on the outside for their cases to wind their way through the system. They're also far more likely to receive and accept harsher punishments.

Bronx District Attorney Robert Johnson declined NPR's request to talk about bail. But Marty Horn, then-commissioner of New York City's jails, says he sees this scenario play out every day as he walks the hallways of Rikers Island.

"Individuals who insist on their innocence and refuse to plead guilty get held," according to Horn. "But the people who choose to plead guilty get out faster. So this guy is in this predicament, right? So, if he insists on his innocence, he sits here."

Does that seem fair?

"I think our system unfortunately forces them to make a difficult choice," Horn says.

Fighting It Out From The Boat

More than a half-million inmates are facing this choice on any given day in the nation's jails. Most are nonviolent defendants charged with petty crimes. They're not considered a threat to society or likely to flee. But it will cost taxpayers $9 billion a year to feed, house and clothe them.

Green is determined to fight his case. He has already lost his apartment and his job holding traffic signs for Con Edison. He doesn't have much left to lose. Still, he doesn't sound too convincing.

"I try not to let my mind and emotions get discouraged," he says. "It's hard, but you just have to do it."

A week later, Green is still sticking it out. He calls me collect from one of the day room's pay phones after bartering with the inmates who control the phones.

"Every day is something different or something new," he says over a crackly phone line. "Especially at night. You just got to mind your business and, hopefully, wake up the next day."

But by mid-July, nearly a month and a half after arriving at The Boat, Green calls again, this time to say he is done. He is going to take the deal.

"Honestly, I just want to go home," he says, sounding as if he is on the verge of tears.

He misses his daughter. And his baby's mother hasn't been able to pay the bills without his income.

"It's just that my family's out there," Green says. "And it's going to make it seem like I'm trying to be greedy for just sitting in here. That's like being selfish."

Yet a few minutes later, he sounds like he still can't quite bring himself to accept the plea deal.

"At the end of the day, if I take this plea, that's another charge on my record for nothing," he says. "They get to win, and at the end of the day ..." Suddenly the phone goes dead. When Green calls back a while later, he is vague about what happened. He says he doesn't want to talk about it. He sounds defeated.

"If I was wrong, I wouldn't be going through this," he says. "I'd just be doing my time, that's it, because I just want to get it over with. But it's hard. I [have to] sit here, I [have to] take all this, because I want to prove a point, you know?"

The phone goes dead again.

A few days later, just as he is about to accept the prosecutors' deal, a small miracle happens for Green. His baby's mother scrapes together the last of the $400 she has been saving to pay the bail bondsman. And several hours later, Green is free.

Four months after that, Green is sitting on a park bench in the Bronx in a light November rain. Just a few moments earlier, a judge postponed his case again for two more months. But Green doesn't seem to mind.

"I'm free, alive and free. That's the best thing," Green says.

He opens an old plastic umbrella and holds it over my head instead of his own. Its edge frames Yankee Stadium just down the hill — the old one, where, years ago, his grandmother took him before she died.

"The whole time we were eating popcorn and sodas," Green remembers. "We had fun. You know, I miss my grandmother."

It was his first and last visit, he says.

The Cost Of Trial

As he talks, it's hard to imagine Green surviving these months behind bars, waiting for his day in court. At this point, he would have been locked up four times longer than the punishment prosecutors were offering him.

"Being in jail makes you feel like there's no use to fighting because [prosecutors] already have it set in your mind that you're going to do jail time no matter what," he says. "You're going to be away from your family and that's just that."

Green has no money, no job, no place to live. And his case is months from being resolved. But for the first time since I met him, he seems almost invigorated.

"I'm willing to wait as long as five years if I have to, because I know I'm going to win," he says. "That's just how I feel."

Green may be guilty or he may be innocent. But the point, he says, is that it's no longer up to the prosecutors, the police, the jail system or even just his willingness to stay in jail. It will be up to 12 New Yorkers he has never met. And the cost of that centuries-old privilege for Shadu Green, it turns out, was $400.
The Paladin's Domain, My Blog (Updated 5/18/2009)

"Live free or die: Death is not the worst of evils." -- General John Stark

"A fortress circumvented ceases to be an obstacle.
A fortress destroyed ceases to be a threat.
Do not forget the difference."

"Fairy tales do not tell children the dragons exist. Children already know that dragons exist. Fairy tales tell children the dragons can be killed." -- G. K. Chesterton
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Part 3
Bondsman Lobby Targets Pretrial Release Programs

by Laura Sullivan

The last in a three-part series

January 22, 2010


In Broward County, Fla., it's generally Judge John Hurley's job to look through arrest reports and make sure he keeps the dangerous people in jail and let the people who are not dangerous out.

To do that, he has basically three choices. He can release defendants on their own recognizance, which he does for small crimes like driving with a suspended license. Or he can grant them bail. Many won't be able to afford the bail Hurley sets, so they will pay a bail bondsman a nonrefundable fee — usually about 10 percent — to do it for them.

And then there's the third option: pretrial release, a county-funded program that gets people out of jail and keeps tabs on them using things like ankle bracelets, phone calls or drug testing. It used to be one of Hurley's favorite options. But these days, he doesn't get to use it very often.

The program can't handle many defendants anymore.

"The bondsmen think pretrial is stealing their business," Hurley says. "But I don't want to get into the mix. I don't want to get into the political aspect of all this."

Just how bail bonding became political in Broward has sent shock waves through pretrial programs across the country. Here in Broward, bondsmen pushed hard for a new county ordinance that now limits the pretrial program.

Now industry experts say powerful bail lobbying groups have begun using Broward as a road map of how to squash similar programs elsewhere, even though public records show the programs have saved taxpayers millions of dollars.

Gutting The Program

Here in Broward, the once-thriving pretrial release program now operates out of barren offices across from the courthouse. Pretrial officers like Bret Gibson monitor their few clients by tracking their whereabouts through GPS, ankle bracelets and electronic monitoring.

Gibson watches a map on his screen, monitoring the whereabouts of a woman who was four minutes late getting home. The woman texts Gibson that she's now in the house, which the computer is confirming is in fact true.

For this woman, and many others like her charged with petty offenses, this program is the difference between spending months in jail waiting for a court date and being able to save her job, pay her bills, keep her home and see her family.

For the county, this program — or at least the way it used to be — means something else: saving a lot of money. Broward's pretrial program costs about $7 a day per inmate. Jail costs $115 a day, says Kristina Gulick, who runs the pretrial program.

"It costs a quarter of every county tax dollar to run our jail system in Broward County," Gulick says. "It's the largest single expense to any county taxpayer."

Program A Success, But Not For Bondsmen

But it wasn't just the money that made the program valuable. Three years ago, the Broward County jail was so full, a judge called the conditions unconstitutional.

Instead of building a new $70 million jail as they had proposed, county commissioners voted to expand pretrial release, letting more inmates out on supervised release. Within a year, the jail population plunged, so much so that the sheriff closed an entire wing. It saved taxpayers $20 million a year.

And, according to court records, the defendants were still showing up for court.

Commissioners called the program a success. But then a year ago — two years after commissioners voted to double the program's funding — the same commissioners voted at an otherwise mundane meeting to gut it.

The ordinance strictly limits who can qualify for pretrial release and cuts the program back by several hundred defendants, officials say.

Broward's pretrial officials were stunned. The county's public defender, Howard Finkelstein, was in disbelief.

"I don't know if what happened was illegal or unethical," says Finkelstein. "I can tell you it stinks all the way to the rafters."

Who, they wondered, could possibly be against this program? It turns out, in Broward County, 135 people — more precisely, 135 bail bondsmen — who had them completely outmatched.

The Bail Bonds Lobby At Work

Bondsmen Wayne Spath makes no apologies for leading the charge against pretrial.

‘We're tenacious; we do our job," Spath says. "People should not just be released from jail and get a free ride. I mean, this is the way the system's got to work."

Spath argues that pretrial release costs taxpayers too much money. And, he says, it was hurting his business.

So he and the other bondsmen did what any self-respecting private business group would do: They hired a lobbyist, Rob Book.

"To be perfectly arrogant about it, I'm considered if not the best, [then] one of the best in the state," says Book. He has been lobbying for bondsmen in Florida for more than a decade.

In this case, he quickly went to work.

According to campaign records, Book, Spath and the rest of Broward's bondsmen spread almost $23,000 across the council in the year before the bill was passed. Fifteen bondsmen cut checks worth more than $5,000 to commissioner and now-county Mayor Ken Keechl just five days before the vote.

Keechl and several other commissioners declined NPR's repeated requests for an interview. At the meeting last January, they said they were concerned that Broward's pretrial program cost more than other counties' programs, and they vigorously denied that campaign contributions played any role.

Book had his work cut out for him. Broward's own county attorney wrote a memo warning commissioners that cutting back pretrial could be unconstitutional. But Book worked behind the scenes.

He met with commissioners, and according to county records, he had unusual access. That's because at the same time he was hired by the bondsmen to lobby commissioners, he was also hired by the commissioners to be their lobbyist.

Book says he does not see a conflict of interest.

"I have never tried to mislead the public on the issue," Book says. "The truth is I have a client, the bail bondsmen. The truth is my client is an alternative to pretrial release. The fact of the matter is my clients are held accountable. I've never been more right from a public perspective than I am on this issue."

Broward County Public Defender Finkelstein disagrees.

"Don't pee on me and tell me it's raining," Finkelstein says.

Making Do With Less

Finkelstein is feeling the brunt of the cutbacks. He says every day he has to meet with more and more of his clients behind bars — clients who might once have been candidates for pretrial release. Now hundreds are stuck in jail, he says, because the bondsmen are hoping they'll find the money to become paying customers.

Finkelstein says it's true that pretrial release costs taxpayers money. But he says it costs millions more to leave thousands of indigent defendants in jail because they can't afford a bondsman's fees.

"Don't tell me that you're doing this for the good of the people," Finkelstein says. "You're doing it for your own good, and that's fine, but then you shouldn't have a seat at the table when public policy is made."

In recent years, that seat at the table has grown larger, not just in Broward but nationwide.

Bondsmen have lobbied to cut back local pretrial programs from Texas to California, pushed for legislation in four states limiting pretrial's resources, and lobbied Congress so that they won't have to pay the bond if the defendant commits a new crime.

Behind them, the bondsmen have powerful special interest group and millions of dollars. Pretrial release agencies have a smattering of public employees and the remnants of their once-thriving programs.
Let's take a look at that again.
According to campaign records, Book, Spath and the rest of Broward's bondsmen spread almost $23,000 across the council in the year before the bill was passed. Fifteen bondsmen cut checks worth more than $5,000 to commissioner and now-county Mayor Ken Keechl just five days before the vote.

Keechl and several other commissioners declined NPR's repeated requests for an interview.
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B4UTRUST
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Here's the disgusting quote from that one...
Keechl and several other commissioners declined NPR's repeated requests for an interview. At the meeting last January, they said they were concerned that Broward's pretrial program cost more than other counties' programs, and they vigorously denied that campaign contributions played any role.
So $23,000 extra tossed at you... 15 businesses cutting checks in excess of $5K just days before you're to vote on this... And this had absolutely nothing to do with your decision? Riiiiigght. Nothing at all, right? Nudge nudge, wink wink.
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